By Franco “Bifo” Berardi

“Bifo is a grasp of world activism within the age of melancholy. His venture is knowing genuine current capitalism. feel the depression of the riot, get pleasure from this magnificent ‘labor of the negative!’” —Geert Lovink, Dutch/Australian web critic

“In this amazing e-book the concept that of destiny, which supported the fashionable heritage of tradition, politics, and financial system, is revised, reverted, cancelled and at last revived in a wholly unforeseen means. From Futurism to post-futurism, Bifo takes us on a trip via and past the century that depended on within the future.” —Christian Marazzi, writer of The Violence of monetary Capitalism

The century-long obsession with the concept that of the longer term has, eventually, come to an finish. starting with F. T. Marinetti's “Futurist Manifesto” and the global race towards a brand new and hugely mechanized society that outlined the “Century of Progress,” Italian media activist Franco “Bifo” Berardi lines the genesis of future-oriented proposal in the course of the punk stream of the early ’70s and into the media revolution of the ’90s. Cyberculture, the final really utopian imaginative and prescient of the longer term, has led to a conflict, and left in the back of an ever-growing procedure of digital lifestyles and genuine loss of life, of digital wisdom and genuine war.

The destiny, Bifo argues, has failed us. Our accountability now could be to make a decision what comes next.

Franco “Bifo” Berardi is an Italian critic and media activist. one of many founders of the infamous Radio Alice, a pirate radio station that turned the voice of the self reliant formative years circulate of Bologna within the past due Nineteen Seventies, Bifo is the writer of a number of works of idea, together with The Soul at Work, Precarious Rhapsody, and “The Post-Futurist Manifesto.”

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In this respect, as in many others, Cameron’s Conservatives and their coalition partners are no more carriers of an alternative economic paradigm than the government of Gordon Brown they replaced – nor have they offered an alternative growth model. But there were during the election campaign – as there remain today – significant differences in emphasis between the parties on economic policy. Indeed, perhaps predictably, as time has passed so the differences have increased. First, although they did not explicitly deny that they would have engaged in the same public underwriting of the banking sector, the Conservatives were clearly much more uneasy about deficit financing and the associated ratcheting up of public debt.

The question of Labour’s culpability: falling out of love with prudence? 1057/9781137360519 From Bubble Burst to Austerity  views of which, see Coates 2009; Pemberton 2009; Thain 2009). This is a tricky issue. For, in the end, what matters politically is not whether and to what extent we, but the electorate, held, hold and continue to hold Labour, when it was in office, culpable – and, perhaps, no less significantly whether and to what extent that sense of culpability persists. Whether it deserves to be held culpable is a secondary and a more narrowly academic consideration.

1057/9781137360519  The Failure of Anglo-liberal Capitalism economy – an economy which can and will no longer be able to afford the public sector to which it had previously become accustomed. Unremarkably this alternative vantage point generates very different expectations about the likely effects of deficit reduction – expectations, I would contend, much closer to exhibited patterns of economic performance since 2010 than, say, government or Office of Budget Responsibility (OBR) growth projections.

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