By Stephen K. White

Within the Ethos of a Late-Modern Citizen, Stephen okay. White contends that Western democracies face novel demanding situations challenging our reexamination of the position of voters. Such mirrored image consists of our neither denying, within the identify of culture, the strength of what's new, nor imagining that we will accurately confront switch by means of easily rejecting the traditions of recent Western political idea. White bargains an incisive interpretation of our late-modern ethical-political situation and explains how a particular “ethos,” or spirit, of citizenship may well represent a part of an exemplary reaction. This ethos calls for transforming easy figures of the trendy political mind's eye, together with our notion of the self, citizenship, and democratic politics. basically, White argues that the serious concentration some time past 3 a long time on discovering common rules of justice for diversity-rich societies should be complemented through an exploration of what kind of ethos will be had to correctly maintain such a ideas. He proposes that Western electorate undertake an ethos that's outlined through such virtues as (moral) attentiveness, self-restraint, and existential gratitude. obtainable, pithy, and erudite, The Ethos of a Late-Modern Citizen will entice a large audience.

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Anti-utopian, pragmatic, and punctiliously idealistic, Stephen White outlines a repertoire of democratic practices for an international with no transcendent promises. Nuanced but available, unique but artificial, The Ethos of a Late-Modern Citizen is a transparent assertion from a mature highbrow of an immense and special place: a signature e-book. (Bonnie Honig, writer of Democracy and the Foreigner)

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List of individuals 203 Index 205
97 Russell Kirk: Traditionalist Conservatism in a Postmodern Age 125
John Courtney Murray as Catholic, American Conservative
Peter Augustine Lawler Gerald J. Russello

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Additional resources for The Ethos of a Late-Modern Citizen

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By this I mean that once the relationship is understood in this way, then the very process of identity formation itself is always already implicated in the misrecognition of the other. Accordingly, if I ask what I can do to alleviate the harms arising from such misrecognition, an adequate answer will require me to go back to the most basic level of my identity constitution; more specifically, I must somehow deconstruct my identity from the ground up. That is the only way to relieve the pressure of misrecognition.

It draws its cognitive and motivational force from the moral foundation to which he appeals; that is, his basic sense of what a morally progressive individual and society look like. For this sort of ethos to be robustly sustained in everyday life, one would expect the foundation animating judgment and action to be consistently scrutinized, refined, and drawn upon, as we confront new situations to which it must be applied. As long as we stay with Rawls’s structural portrait, we are not expected to have to draw upon foundations in such situation-inflected ways.

It is difficult not to end up finding this subject to be cognitively and affectively implausible. She is oriented first and foremost to unrestrained conflict and the exclusion of the other based on collective identity; and yet she must also then affirm wholeheartedly the rights of the other and the fundamental legitimacy of political adversaries. 6 But she seems entirely unconcerned with how implausible and incongruous her portrait becomes in the absence of additional ontological figures and sources that could prefigure the kind of distinctly non-Schmittian ideals she expects her subject to affirm.

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