By Tom Clancy, Mark Greaney

#1 New York Times bestselling writer Tom Clancy is again and the stakes have by no means been higher.

Jack Ryan has simply simply moved again into the Oval workplace whilst he's confronted with a brand new foreign possibility. An aborted coup within the People's Republic of China has left President Wei Zhen Lin with out selection yet to accept as true with the expansionist rules of common Su Ke Qiang. they've got declared the South China Sea a protectorate and are making plans an invasion of Taiwan.

The Ryan management is set to thwart China’s goals, however the stakes are dangerously excessive as a brand new breed of robust chinese language anti-ship missile endangers the USA Navy's plans to guard the island. in the meantime, chinese language cyberwarfare specialists have introduced a devastating assault on American infrastructure. It's a brand new wrestle enviornment, yet it’s every piece as lethal as any that has long gone before.

Jack Ryan, Jr. and his colleagues on the Campus should be simply the wild card that his father must stack the deck. There's only one challenge: anyone is aware in regards to the off-the-books intelligence employer and threatens to blow their conceal sky high.

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Additional resources for Threat Vector (Jack Ryan, Book 15; Jack Ryan Jr., Book 4)

Sample text

The need for unanimity meant that small member states had the same procedural rights as the large in the shaping of EPC positions. This introduced a tension to the system: if equality between all member states was maintained, the consensus decision in EPC would often be one that left larger members in a position where they were more likely to achieve their preferences by breaking ranks; if, in contrast, EPC adapted to the reality that it might need its larger member states more than vice versa, the smaller members were liable to complain of a directoire.

Smith, 1998, pp. 314–15) In 1981, the London report added a ‘crisis procedure’ to EPC. If at least three member states feel there is a crisis deserving the urgent attention of EPC, a meeting of either the Political Committee or of ministers can be convened within 48 hours. A like procedure can be invoked in third countries at the level of heads of mission. The London report also aimed to improve arrangements for the anticipation of crises and the preparation of contingency actions: ‘working groups are encouraged to analyse areas of potential crisis and to provide a range of possible reactions by the Ten’ (EC Bulletin, 1981, no.

225). On the second point about consensus diplomacy, EPC often seemed better suited to ‘slow fuse’ problems that could be analysed at a leisurely place than to the management of sudden crises. It is, however, the third criticism that is probably the most serious indictment of EPC. Convergence, where it was achieved, was often unstable. As seen, there was never any obligation to follow EPC agreements, still less any institutional enforcement mechanism. In many cases, ease of exit may even have been a precondition for agreeing the policy in the first place.

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